To rebuild our nation, we need a pragmatic approach that recognizes the limits imposed by a divided civil society and political class
Early on February 7, morning news reported that members of the armed militia, the Protected Areas Security Brigade (BSAP)crossed the deserted streets of Pétion-Ville, and that the police had abandoned their post.
This fueled the hope that the long-awaited revolution proposed by Guy Philippe – recently released from US prisons for money laundering and drug trafficking – was actually happening. However, by nightfall, the news had changed dramatically. It was reported that five BSAP members had died and three had been arrested. Mr. Phillipe was nowhere to be found and emerging protests were quickly put down.
The hope of a revolution of the population is the result of Prime Minister Henry’s appalling leadership, marked by cynicism and blatant disregard for the suffering of the people. In their despair, the people clung to any glimmer of hope, even from figures like Philippe and the BSAP – both symbols of the status quo they opposed. This raises crucial questions about the direction of the opposition and its ability to bring about a new system.
The hope of a revolution of the population is the result of Prime Minister Henry’s appalling leadership, marked by cynicism and blatant disregard for the suffering of the people.
The day was special because the Haitian National Police (PNH) demonstrated its operational capacity. The police, often ineffective, responded quickly and firmly to the protesters and the BSAP. However, the selective nature of this deployment raises concerns about the impartiality of the police and their risks of abuse of power.
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Facing realities: rethinking strategies for Haiti’s future
The rapid end of the February 7 “revolution” and its lack of clear leadership have highlighted the weaknesses of Haitian civil society, particularly among those who oppose the Kenyan-led multinational security support mission (MSS).
This context makes Prime Minister Henry’s address to the nation in the middle of the night, echoing American opposition to another transition, seem particularly dismissive. However, it is crucial to accept an uncomfortable reality: the current opposition does not have the capacity to impeach Henry. While frustrating, this should be a wake-up call for activists to re-evaluate their strategies.
Additionally, given the current political climate and the limited power of existing actors, calls from diaspora organizations for the United States to oust Prime Minister Henry (” stop the prop “) or those who wish to engage in armed resistance seem unrealistic. Mr. Henry must and will leave office, but it appears that the real contenders to replace him remain hidden, waiting for the right moment to emerge.
It is crucial to accept an uncomfortable reality: the current opposition does not have the power to impeach Henry. While frustrating, this should be a wake-up call for activists to re-evaluate their strategies.
Post-coup uncertainty: points of consensus
After the failed attempt to overthrow the government on February 7, figures like Mr. Philippe and former senator Jean-Charles resurfaced with familiar arguments. And while debates around their involvement and the BSAP continue to divide the community, some potential points of agreement may exist:
- Prime Minister Henry’s leadership is unacceptable: his inaction and contempt for the Haitian people are widely recognized.
- International actors play an important role: The influence of the United States, France, Canada and the UN in Haitian politics is recognized by all.
- The Haitian National Police play a central role in Haiti’s security: their ability to combat gangs is now recognized, but concerns about their reach and integrity persist.
- Real leadership is desperately needed: the public craves honest and effective leaders who are currently absent.
- Emotional reactions never solve much: blaming the United States for supplying weapons, even when Haitians continue to be convicted of arms trafficking, is unproductive and offers no solution.
- The fragmented opposition needs change: the division and ineffectiveness of the current opposition reflect the status quo we seek to replace.
- Long-term solutions are needed: the revolution will not happen overnight and cannot be a quick fix.
The undeniable frustration and confusion surrounding Haiti’s current situation naturally fuels anger and despair, which hampers our ability to develop constructive strategies. To rebuild our nation, we need a pragmatic approach that recognizes the limitations imposed by a divided civil society and political class. The current opposition, lacking unity and effectiveness, cannot overthrow Henry. With many factions vying for power – EDE, En Avant, Lavalas, GREH, Pitit Dessalines, Montana, PHTK and many others – even if Mr. Henry resigned, deeper issues would remain unaddressed, making the finding a solution an arduous task.
The current opposition, lacking unity and effectiveness, cannot overthrow Henry.
The international community understands this reality, even if its solutions are biased and often condescending. Nevertheless, Haitian analysts and political actors must integrate these facts into their assessments and action plans.
Beyond Anger: Addressing Haiti’s Challenges with Pragmatism
The last two and a half years under Prime Minister Henry have been disastrous, leaving Haiti reeling as if hit by another devastating earthquake. Although it is understandable and even necessary to demand his resignation, it is not enough. We must confront the deep fissures within Haitian society. It is deeply concerning that individuals who incite violence, like Mr. Philippe and former senator Jean-Charles who incited his supporters to “burn the country down,” are even considered potential leaders.
This does not mean that we are powerless. While skepticism about external aid is understandable, this should not blind us to potential opportunities. We must evaluate all options with an open mind, not from a position of weakness, but from a strategic consideration. Many activists have been, at best, timid about the sanctions regime and steadfast against the MSS mission. Perhaps it is time to reconsider these policies, because power does not lie solely in accepting or rejecting aid. It is about critically evaluating how best to harness any resource for the benefit of our nation.
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Sanctions, for example, could offer valuable tools to neutralize destabilizing actors in Haiti. Indeed, we should advocate for well-designed and quickly implemented sanctions targeting the financial core of gangs and their benefactors. Attacking their finances by freezing their assets, blocking transactions and restricting trade could significantly hamper their operations. Additionally, the threat of sanctions could deter individuals and businesses from continuing to support gangs, further weakening their capabilities.
It is deeply concerning that individuals who incite violence, like Mr. Philippe and former senator Jean-Charles who incited his supporters to “burn the country down,” are even considered potential leaders.
Isolating key figures such as gang leaders, their financiers and money launderers could further disrupt their networks and weaken their influence.
Another policy is the MSS mission. This policy is not a silver bullet and cannot solve the gang problem. Indeed, its effectiveness and scope should be debated. However, ignoring it is a mistake. While organizations like the Institute for Justice and Democracy in Haiti (IJDH) and the International Lawyers Bureau (BAI) challenge the mission in Kenyan courts – an absolute right and role for civil organizations – political actors may want to consider a parallel approach, which is instead to advocate for a refined mission.
Indeed, the response of Haitian actors to complex situations is often hampered by a lack of preparation and adaptability. Stakeholders cling to single-minded approaches, which often fail to adapt to changing circumstances. When these strategies inevitably collapse, a rush for alternatives ensues, perpetuating a reactive cycle that prioritizes crisis response over proactive preparation. For those seeking to remove Prime Minister Henry, strengthening the PNH should be a top priority. The PNH’s response on February 7 demonstrates both the potential and the complexity of this situation.
Instead of solely opposing the MSS mission, Haitian organizations could advocate for a more refined approach. This could involve focusing on strengthening the capacities of the PNH through technical assistance provided by the MSS. Rather than complain about what the Kenyans get for running the mission, they could demand that a portion of MSS resources be reserved specifically for the Haitian National Police. Additionally, forces within the MSS mission should not be directly engaged in combat against gangs. This fight should be led by Haitians to free themselves. With an appropriate framework, including the full participation of Haitians in decision-making positions, the role of the mission could be more useful in preventing corruption and reprisals within the PNH. This could involve monitoring human rights practices, providing tactical expertise and assisting with investigations into potential collusion between PNH agents and criminal groups.
Isolating key figures such as gang leaders, their financiers and money launderers could further disrupt their networks and weaken their influence.
Ultimately, the success of any effort to remove Mr. Henry depends on a reformed and empowered HNP. This requires better training and equipment, but also a fundamental restructuring to ensure professional conduct and public trust.
Meeting Haiti’s challenges with pragmatism
The current crisis in Haiti is fueling the he frustration and despair, obscuring the path forward. Yet saving our nation requires a pragmatic approach that confronts harsh realities head on. We must recognize its limitations: a divided opposition, a fragmented civil society and a complex political landscape in which even the removal of Prime Minister Henry would not guarantee progress. Numerous factions vying for power further add to the complexity.
While it is understandable to blame external actors like the United States or attribute problems solely to exploitation, it traps us in anger and hinders progress. We must actively pursue pragmatic strategies that take into account the complexity of our situation and explore all available options.
It’s important to have a healthy skepticism about outside solutions, but we also need to be open to possibilities. Sanctions could target destabilizing actors, while the MSS mission, while not a perfect solution for gangs, could hold the Haitian National Police accountable. Recognizing these opportunities, although challenging, is crucial to Haiti’s future.
The events of February 7 should serve as a wake-up call. We must overcome anger and despair. We need unity, strategic collaboration, pragmatism and a willingness to explore all avenues, even those that seem difficult, to bring peace and security to Haiti.
Par Johnny Celestin
Cover Image: A Port-au-Prince town hall employee throws stones at students protesting against the carnival at Champ-de-Mars, February 13, 2024. | Jean Feguens Regala/AyiboPost
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