Lhen in January 2022, we decided to name this column “ Haiti, from one transition to another “, we were far from thinking that the post-Jovenel Moïse transition would be divided into two distinct parts even if the actors – local and foreign – remain the same.
To justify this premonitory title, we wrote this: This section will be entitled: Haiti, from one transition to another. Rightly so, since, at the moment, no one knows when this umpteenth transition will end. Besides, it would be good to know what transition we are talking about today. Is it the one that began the day after the fall of the Duvalier family in 1986? Or the one after the political murder of Jovenel Moïse on July 7, 2021? Finally, it is about the transition of the end of his mandate which should end on February 7, 2022. And we were already wondering about the future of this new transition by asking ourselves “ Will this transition finally be the last of the thirty-year cycle that began on February 7, 1986, or will it be the beginning of a new cycle of political instability that will last another 30 long years? Nobody has any answers. »
With the arrival of this Presidential Transitional Council (CPT) at the head of this new transition to succeed former Prime Minister Ariel Henry, today, everyone has part of the answer. It was the start of a new cycle of political instability. “ Because this transition, to say the least, has been governed by a political system in Haiti for more than three decades. as we wrote. But, in this continuity, if as a Haitian, we suspected at this precise moment the inability of the actors to agree on a road map to get out of this impasse, this endless transition, the real decision-makers who fuel and fuel, to what end we do not know, the socio-political crises in this country, they pretended to have a completely different reading and vision of the end of this post-Jovenel Moïse transition.
Until the end, without taking into account the enormous advantage represented by the transition and the political challenges to come for all the Haitian protagonists – political parties, civil society, private business sector, armed groups – a large part of this condominium of the name of International Community began to dream by decreeing that a “transition will not replace a transition” as if she held all the keys to the crisis in one hand. However, contrary to what all those who call themselves “friends” of Haiti, in reality the guardians, and who think they can decide everything, may think, there is always an “unknown” in the equation that one should never neglect or underestimate despite being the eternal victim. This “unknown” are the Haitians who are never where we expected them. In short, imponderables that must always be taken into account, otherwise the strategy will fail. By ignoring these “imponderables” for the desired purpose, whether it was the international community, whether it was the leaders of the transition and Ariel Henry first, the two rushed into the abyss.
Their plan was a disaster. Not only did the Haitians push them to review their strategy, but it was urgent to find a way out otherwise it would have resulted in what they feared most: a revolution. After forcing the head of the first part of the transition to resign on March 11, 2024, taken by surprise, the guardians, notably Washington, had to propel one of their subcontractors in the region, CARICOM, back to Haiti, on the front line in order to save its policy and its preponderance in Haiti. Pragmatic and without worrying about what people will say, given their previous declarations on the transition, in disaster, the American authorities quickly recovered the corpse of the transition A party by giving it a beautiful funeral and launched to prepare part B with the same actors, of course, with some accommodations and a few surprises in the scenario.
Just after the blocking of the territory by armed gangs after their assault on Port-au-Prince, on Thursday February 26, 2024, all the actors of the transition and the crisis including Washington set to work, in search of a so-called peaceful solution. The objective being to find a replacement for Prime Minister Ariel Henry, whom some had ironically baptized “King Henry” for having accumulated all the main positions of responsibility in the country for his benefit: President of the Republic, head of government, Prime Minister, minister of the Interior, President of the CSPN (Higher Council of the National Police) and head of the transition, etc. What is interesting in this search for leadership to temporarily lead the destiny of the country, all the protagonists, without consulting each other, had agreed that this second part transition would be led by a two-headed executive. The very one who was a nightmare for Ariel Henry and his former allies, particularly Me André Michel, a sort of eminence grise of the transition, who shamefully failed and who is, in part, one of those responsible for the political failure of ‘Ariel Henry.
Until the end, in fact, the former people’s lawyer, André Michel, was always opposed to the post-Jovenel Moïse transition being led by a two-headed executive, that is to say by a provisional President. of the Republic and a Prime Minister. So we said, the day after the blockade of the country and it became impossible for Ariel Henry to return to Haiti, everyone understood that power was vacant. Even if, for the gallery, there was an ai Prime Minister in the person of Michel Patrick Boisvert, holder of the Ministry of Economy and Finance, who assumed the interim in the absence of Ariel Henry held against his will first in Puerto Rico and then in Los Angeles by the American authorities. In this race to replace the former tenant of the Prime Minister, if the Americans managed to never lose control of the process, the group called “National Congress of Ouanaminthe for the new Haiti” was the first to organize in Pétion-Ville, on Thursday March 7, 2024, a press conference to take stock of the Haitian socio-political situation, but above all with the aim of announcing to the population the five key points that he intended to propose to bring the country out of chaos.
It was the citizen, Dr Frantz Large, a figure in the South-East department and even in the country, who stepped up to the plate in the name of this socio-political structure. Among the 5 points proposed by the “National Congress of Ouanaminthe”, the one that attracted more attention was obviously the point in which the group proposed “ a judge of the Court of Cassation to head a two-headed executive in order to stabilize the country.” Feeling threatened by the maneuvers of Washington which had already activated CARICOM, Dr Large, known for his outspokenness, even for being a convinced nationalist, put forward a mini program of his structure. He said ” That they are in favor of a two-headed government where a judge from the Court of Cassation will take the reins of the country accompanied by a consensus Prime Minister, in consultation with the political class, civil society and other stakeholders.
The establishment of a government body composed of 11 members, including 1 in each department of the country and another in the diaspora, followed by the development of the road map for this government and finally the establishment of a Provisional Electoral Council (CEP) to properly manage the country. » He was supported by several political leaders during this press conference, in particular by the former deputy for Marchand-Dessalines, Serge Jean-Louis, who declared that “We are tired of living like this, It’s up to us to make things right. It is a civic duty that each of us must fulfill in order to save our honor in the eyes of strangers. » This March 7, the leaders of the “ National Congress of Ouanaminthe”, did not yet know that a large part of the Haitian socio-political elite was preparing to play the game of their impotence to the end by handing over the sovereignty of Haiti to a cartel of small West Indian lake states all working for the States -United of America, who were going to impose on them, on March 11 in Jamaica, the procedure to follow with a view to reaching a consensus on the transition in its phase 2 after Jovenel.
In the meantime, the political class was beginning to become active and was unleashed in the media. Each leader, each actor sought to short-circuit the other or mount tricks behind the other while pursuing several strategies at the same time and on several fronts. This is the case of the leader of the Pitit Dessalines party, Jean-Charles Moïse, which we will see later. Indeed, practically at the same time as the “National Congress of Ouanaminthe”, Jean-Charles Moïse had announced that he had set up an agreement with his friends for a Presidential Council (CP) of (3) three members to succeed Ariel Henry who, according to him , is on the run abroad. At the time he was making these announcements, Moïse distributed a document giving more details on the composition of his Presidential Council which he even claimed to want to install at the National Palace with or without the agreement of the international community. He even said that he had warned the Director General of the Haitian police, Frantz Elbé of his initiative.
The former mayor of Millot also relied on the Court of Cassation to ensure the conduct of the executive. According to the document that was in circulation, “The Presidential Council (CP) of 3 members is structured to ensure diverse and balanced representation. It is chaired by a member from republican institutions (CSPJ/Cour de Cassation), thus guaranteeing solid legal expertise and an in-depth understanding of judicial issues. The second member of the Presidential Council (PC) is selected from among representatives of the political sector, highlighting skills in governance and public policy. This political representation aims to provide strategic expertise in the decisions taken by the Council. The last member of the Presidential Council (CP) represents both the religious sector, the women’s sector and the academic world. This diversity of origins ensures a moral and ethical perspective in the deliberations of the Council, while integrating the values and concerns of the different components of Haitian society.
A document which seemed to be consistent with previous statements by the former senator from the North before his one hundred and eighty degree turn towards the Presidential Transitional Council (CPT), simmered by CARICOM with, of course, the consent of Washington who masterfully led the process of regaining power after having abandoned his former collaborator for three years, Ariel Henry, in the open countryside. Without detour therefore, Jean-Charles Moïse, whose directive line is difficult to grasp and follow consistently, had even made public the names of the three members of his Presidential Council, which it must be said that the general public, even the population, was quite skeptical given the situation and the issues at stake. The Presidential Council of the boss of Pitit Dessalines was composed of three of the following personalities: judge Durin Junior Duret (President of the Council), Françoise Saint-Vi l Villier (member) and… Guy Philippe (member). How, in fact, to speak or advocate “revolution” and encourage armed struggle with former agents of the BSAP and other armed entities in the country and claim to become a simple member of any Presidential Council of 3 members which is in company of a member of the Court of Cassation?
For some, it was a deception on the part of these so-called revolutionaries. The list of members of Jean-Charles Moïse’s Presidential Council made this possibility hardly credible since the name of Guy Philippe appeared on it. The ex-senator had said that “ Ariel Henry being on the run, we want to take our responsibility”, it must be admitted, his list hardly impressed anyone, starting with the Americans who were not going to accept this “democratic” slap from Guy Philippe who had barely left their prisons. As much as he would have taken power in Port-au-Prince by force of arms by driving out everything that represented the old regime in the political landscape, it would have had a psychological effect on Washington and would certainly push him to negotiate with the new masters of the country, as much, in Moïse’s project, Guy Philippe would not carry much weight and would only have had a simple function of member, not even President of this famous Presidential Council.
Moreover, it would have put in danger the former senator of Grand’Anse who would have been a simple official of the Republic and nothing more. In short, a bait, a target! The change of heart of Jean-Charles Moïse in this affair may have saved the life of Guy Philippe who has the political potential solid enough to once again become, without a doubt, senator of his department fully committed to his causes. And why not prepare to run for the presidency of Haiti in the run-up to the general elections as part of this second part transition.
(To be continued)
