Chavire chodyè: the Haitian people demand a disruptive transition
Walner Sigh
Haiti has been going through a multifaceted crisis for years. My comments on the crisis or rather on the way out of the crisis are inspired by the work of the eminent Haitian historian Michel Hector on crises and Haitian popular movements. Thus, I consider that the country is going through a total crisis or a major crisis for which state intervention is essential to restore the situation (Hector 2006). In other words, Haiti faces an instability of the political system caused by the inability [ou plutôt l’absence de volonté] of it to satisfy popular demands affecting all spheres of society. It is in fact a process of delegitimization of the political regime in place and the state model. Historically, “the struggle for the establishment of a democratic regime in Haiti is more than centuries old. It is a fight against a monopolizing, despotic State, which sovereignly disregards human rights. It is also a struggle to resuscitate and boost the process of national training which was stopped too early. [avec l’assassinat de l’empereur Jean Jacques Dessalines]. » (Hector2006, p.70)
I place the current great crisis, which has a more distant historical origin, in the context of the two most destructive events that Haiti is experiencing in the 2010 decade. The first refers to the 2010 earthquake which caused 280,000 deaths and 300,000 injured. and 1.3 million homeless people. The second consists of the accession to power in 2011 of a self-proclaimed group of legal bandits subsequently establishing a regime of banditry. This legal bandit regime called PHTK is characterized among other things by corruption, nepotism, looting, theft, gangsterization of the country and the State as a mode of governance aimed among other things at the dismantling of popular struggles through the establishment of a situation of terror in the country…
That being said, we must clearly distinguish between an exit from the crisis situation and an exit from the great crisis. An exit from the economic situation requires a series of specific and immediate measures. Which involve the formation of a government capable of restoring a climate of security and stability, organizing elections and ensuring the restoration of the three powers of the State. Observing what is currently being done with the presidential council as a way out of the crisis situation, the risk of reproducing a fourth version of the PHTK legal bandit regime is imminent. However, can such a solution be sustainable? How will what is currently being done effectively enable a resolution of the situation in the interests of the working classes? When the three powers were functioning, were popular demands their priority? Will this process and the actors who make it up be able to lay at least the foundations for repatriating the country’s sovereignty?
As for the exit from the great crisis or the total crisis, in addition to the elements of exiting the economic situation, this implies other more structural measures. Popular expression overturned pan set the necessary tone and direction for it. Indeed, I believe that this exit requires a real breaking transition. The latter presupposes the establishment of a government capable of creating the structural conditions necessary to break with the model of the State imposed by the national oligarchy supported and reinforced by American, French or Canadian imperialism. Indeed, we must determine the mechanisms for a real end to impunity. This end to impunity requires the establishment of an impartial, ethical and independent judicial system from the dark forces of the country and internationally. This judicial system must be able to ensure the trials of financial and blood crimes of the legal bandit political regime of PHTK and allies. That is to say, carrying out the Petrocaribe trial, of IHRC funds as well as the trial of at least ten massacres in which the actors of the various versions of PHTK and allies are complicit.
In addition, this process requires the degangsterization of the country which involves not only the dismantling of gangs, but also the judgment of politicians as well as members of the oligarchy directly or indirectly involved in the gangsterization of the country. To do this, strict and rigorous control of ports, airports, borders and maritime waters is essential. Also, from a legal-political point of view, we must clarify the confusion around which constitution is in force. We need a consensus on respect for the Constitution, which is none other than that of March 29, 1987. Restoring the country’s sovereignty is another major challenge. Among other things, the organization of elections in the country must be done in a sovereign manner, they must reflect the will of the Haitian people as was the case in 1990. On the socio-economic level, a break with the neoliberal order imposed in Haiti since the 1980s with devastating consequences for the population is necessary. The priority objective of all economic policies must be the satisfaction of the demands and needs of the impoverished classes and the food sovereignty of the country.
All this involves guaranteeing the inalienable rights of citizens to compensation for damage caused by individuals, public or private institutions or by political regimes. Therefore, a truly disruptive transition must lay the foundations of social, political, economic, even cultural conditions, so that the country never again experiences a neo-Duvalierist regime of legal bandit. In other words, it must have as its compass the preambles of the Haitian constitution of March 29, 1987 which stipulates that: “The Haitian people proclaim this Constitution: to guarantee their inalienable and inalienable rights to life, liberty and pursuit of happiness ; in accordance with its Act of Independence of 1804 and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights of 1948. To constitute a socially just, economically free and politically independent Haitian nation. To reestablish a stable and strong state, capable of protecting national values, traditions, sovereignty, independence and vision. »
To conclude, what is currently being done with the presidential council is far from the ideals and values of a truly disruptive transition. Since the latter must first be evident from the choices of the personalities who constitute it. A disruptive transition must be composed of respectful, credible, honest, ethical, patriotic, committed, competent personalities; people above all suspicion. However, I hope that the sovereign people and the democratic actors in favor of change and on the left in particular will remain vigilant and continue to put pressure on the process to at least achieve a resolution of the crisis situation.
Ottawa, April 27, 2024
Reference
Hector, Michel. 2006. Crises and popular movements in Haiti. 2nd ed. Port-au-Prince, Haiti: Presses nationale d’Haïti.
